Performer Assessment Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words - 1

Performer Assessment - Essay Example Interviewing is a day to day interaction, which is a skill that needs to be, developed (Keats, 2000) it is one of the most popular forms of communication and research in the psychological area, It’s main aim is to find out more about the client than what would usually be possibly as you are in direct charge of what questions are asked but at the same time it is down to the performer in this case how much they say. A weakness of interviews is the matter of time constraint on the performer because the performer who I’m interviewing might not have the time to go through certain areas as you never know how long an interview will go on for it all depends on how much information the performer is willing to give. Observations in a psychological way are of experimenting and trying to find a phenomenon (Sharma, 2006) through watching a performer or performers in this case and assessing them that way, an advantage of this method is you get a firsthand experience of what is wrong in that performance and what there psychological weaknesses are. The disadvantage of doing observations maybe that it is a one off and a performer’s performance will vary when in a different situation. Questionnaires and asking questions is one of the most natural way of gathering information and are certainly the most often employed data collection method (DÃ ¶rnyei,2009 (P.g 1). An advantage of doing questionnaires is the ease of the construction,it can take up to a few hours to draw up in some circumstances (Taguchi, 2009) and you can give out lots of them to different people. The main disadvantage of questionnaires is you can’t control how much information they decide to give and the answers they give might not be too detailed. Practical techniques for example performance profiling have become more popular recently when talking about sport psychology, performance profiling is a tool

Memorandum Example Essay Example for Free

Memorandum Example Essay In contrast the Royal Hawaiian’s Monarch room is located on a beachfront area of the hotel on the ground floor. The same floor holds the main lobby, restaurant, terrace area, and entrance to Waikiki beach. This would be cause for distractions and noise while meetings are going on. See Fig. 2 below for ground level floor plan. [pic] Fig. 2 Ground Floor, Royal Hawaiian Ben Armstrong2March 21, 2012 Location Residing on the west side of Oahu, the Ihilani Resort is located in Ko‘Olina, home to both residents and tourists alike. The private lagoons, marina, and golf course provide a country/villa feel in the atmosphere surrounding the hotel. With no traffic or loud city noises, the convention can be held in peace. It is also a change of scenery for those who have been to numerous conferences and meetings in Waikiki. Although the Royal Hawaiian is known for it’s bright pink exterior, it is located in the heart of Waikiki. Being surrounded by a mile-long shopping center, the hotel is always busily buzzing with tourists and locals alike. Since the HFIA convention hosts locals from our islands, shopping would not be such an attraction but more of a distraction. Dining The in-hotel dining choices for the Ihilani consists of 2 formal dining restaurants, an in formal all day restaurant, a poolside patio, and a bar. The Azul restaurant features Italian dine-in cuisine while Ushio-Tei serves an authentic Japanese buffet and entrees. Both restaurants are rated highly for their atmosphere and customer service. The Royal Hawaiian features Azure, a dine-in restaurant the overlooks the ocean with both an inside and outside terrace. Being in open-air, there would be no room for small talk with all the action happening around. Although they are also a four-star restaurant like Azul and Ushio-Tei, dinner is a way to debrief from long conventions and meeting hours. Parking A covered parking lot is provided for guests staying at the Ihilani hotel. Key card access is needed to get into the parking lot, assuring guests that their cars are safe. The lot is also connected to the meeting area for those not staying at the hotel. The convenience of having a gated parking lot puts stress aside for the convention goers. Valet service is provided at the Royal Hawaiian for a price. Another parking structure is located off-site from the hotel, but at the shopping center instead. The other parking garages located in Waikiki do accept overnight stays but are at least a 10-minute walk from where the convention is being held and a minimum $20 charge. This causes confusion and problems for those just attending the convention. Ben Armstrong 3March 21, 2012 Conclusion As you can see, the Ihilani resort is a prime candidate to be considered to host the HIFA regional convention this year. It’s location separates itself from the rest of the conventions going on at the same time and focuses on the main purpose of our gathering. By utilizing it’s secluded meetings room we also enhance the importance of our assembly. Please e-mail me at [emailprotected] com with any questions or details you have. We anticipate a great turn out this year, and look forward to working with you to host a successful convention.

A cultural framework

A cultural framework Abstract This report is about how a cultural framework can affect a project success. What is meant by this is that you need to have a good project manager and project team in order for a project to meet deadlines and stay on budget. This report analysis and critiques what has been found in the article was conducted by Korin Kendra of Detroit and Laura Taplin of Canada. They analysed the data that was found form a Standish Group survey on project successes and failures this was conducted in the year 2000. The survey found that overall there is a project failure rate of 72 percent. Of the 28 percent it was found that 92 percent of these successes were due to assigned project managers, 58 percent used a defined measurement system and 46 percent used a project management methodology. The study concluded that the main reason for failure was due to the lack of good working relationships. Kendra and Taplin conducted their study by collecting data using an interview protocol they explored the organiz ations design elements, social and technical structures in the proposed success model developed in this study. From the information that they gathered they managed to draw out 5 main themes/conclusions these are, Theme 1: Project Management competences exist at the project manger level in the organization. Theme 2: Project success requires the employment of management process from the project management, system development, supplier management and business planning to be successful. Theme 3: Organizational structures at the project team level are the key to project success. The project structure is important to the success of the project because it determines the project manager level of authority, skills and competencies of the team and the dynamics of the group. Theme 4: Performance measurement systems metrics are defined at the individual, project and organizational level to evaluate project success. Theme 5: Organizational culture determines the importance of project manager com petencies, performance measurements, business process that are employed to perform project work and project organization structures to project success. 1. Background The topic for this article is project success in a cultural framework. This article was written by Korin Kendra of Detroit and Laura Taplin of Canada in April 2004. This report main point is how a cultural frame work can affect project success. What is meant by a cultural frame work is the background and the work ethics of the people involved of the project. This article was conducted to analysis the data that was found form a Standish Group survey on project successes and failures this was conducted in the year 2000. The survey found that overall there is a project failure rate of 72 percent. Of the 28 percent it was found that 92 percent of these successes were due to assigned project managers, 58 percent used a defined measurement system and 46 percent used a project management methodology. The study concluded that the main reason for failure was due to the lack of good working relationships. This conclusion left was question of what is required in a good cultural framework to mak e a project successful. Kendra and Taplin choose to investigate this question and wrote this article. The authors definition of a project success in the IT industry is that a project must have numerous success factors that contribute such as the project being on time, within budget and of good quality. 2. Method Data was collected using an interview protocol they explored the organizations design elements, social and technical structures in the proposed success model developed in this study. The inquiry focused on the organizations culture, project manager competencies, organizational structure design, performance measurement systems and the supporting business process employed in the change efforts to adopt project management. All interviews were conducted in the year 2001 and reflected past, present and future change efforts. The data was the analysed qualitatively using a grounded theory approach and inferential coding to identify the common themes and cultural values that form linkages between project manager competencies, performance measurement systems, process and structures. 3. Critique 3.1 Data are gathered in a scientific manner Data was gathered using an interview process to me this is not a very scientific manner although it is still a very good data collecting technique. They still gathered all the information that was required for the study. 3.2 Underlying assumptions are clear From what I had read the authors didnt really have many assumptions. All the data that they used was already gathered so assumptions were not necessary. Although their main assumption would have been that a cultural framework can affect a project success to which this assumption was very clear and easy to understand. 3.3 Overall Conclusions 3.3.1 What conclusions are drawn by the authors In this article the authors describe five main conclusions/themes that they have discovered. In their research, Kendra and Taplin (2004) established Theme 1: Project Management competences exist at the project manger level in the organization Theme 2: Project success requires the employment of management process from the project management, system development, supplier management and business planning to be successful. Theme 3: Organizational structures at the project team level are the key to project success. The project structure is important to the success of the project because it determines the project manager level of authority, skills and competencies of the team and the dynamics of the group. Theme 4: Performance measurement systems metrics are defined at the individual, project and organizational level to evaluate project success. Theme 5: Organizational culture determines the importance of project manager competencies, performance measurements, business process that are employed to perform project work and project organization structures to project success. 3.3.2 Are these conclusions valid Yes in my opinion is think that all these conclusions are valid as they all hold the main requirements for a project to be successful it is important to note that theme one and three are very important as they both hold valid points of how a team need to form together in order for a project to be successful. 3.4 The authors have some academic or professional standing Korin Kendra is a professor in the college of Management at Lawrence Technological University. She has a masters in industrial engineering and information systems, also has a PHD in organizational development. Kendra is a certified Project Management Professional (PMP) Laura Taplin has her masters and PHD in organizational development she is also a certified Management Consultant (CMC). In this article both authors are highly qualified and have gained qualifications in relevant fields to their research. 3.5 The writing is clearly and correctly references its sources This article is very easy to read and explains most things in great detail. All information that refers to other persons work its referenced correctly at the bottom of the paragraph or inserted citations. I found that this piece was easier to read due to most information was grouped into topics rather than all together. 4. References Kendra, K., Taplin, L. (2004). Project Success: A Cultural Framework. Project Management Journal, 30-45.

A Comparison of Christians and Buddhists Essay -- comparison compare c

Christians Live for Today, Buddhists Live for Tomorrow    Death is perhaps the most difficult aspect of life humans are forced to deal with. In order to help us cope, we have implemented the grieving process--a series of events with the purpose of making death easier to deal with--into our lives. Not everyone handles death in the same fashion, and each culture has rituals characteristic to itself that may differ greatly from another culture's rituals. Christianity and Buddhism are two religions that have completely different grieving processes, and in a conversation with Ms. Sit-Sen Wong, a Buddhist from Malaysia, this idea was confirmed as a fact. Through life, Buddhists constantly prepare for death and the afterlife, while Christians, although concerned about that, focus on enjoying the present life as much as possible. Many factors have contributed to this deduction and all are based on the differences in the grieving process rituals between American Christians and Malaysian Buddhists.    Until someone close to us passes away, we forget just how important every minute is that we have. Life is short, therefore, it is necessary not to spend too much time on any one thing. The amount of time spent mourning in America is considerably less than that spent in Malaysia. For example, the funeral and burial, the final outward phases of grieving, takes place, on average, a week after the death of the individual. The Buddhists, however, pray for the soul of the individual every day for six entire weeks. While the Christian view is to grieve, but quickly continue with one's life, the Buddhists feel that they cannot continue until the prayer process is complete. While a Christian may continue to pr... ... during the service, as the Buddhists focus entirely on prayer.    It is evident that the grieving process for Buddhists is far more structured than that for Christians. This is because the family and friends of the deceased are the main concern and the soul of the individual is not. The funeral service helps to reassure everyone that the soul is going to heaven, and that we will all meet again. There is much comfort found in this that allows Christians to carry on, focusing on this life to reserve their spots in heaven. The Buddhists, however, are certain that the soul will be reincarnated, so it is extremely important to ensure its safe journey. The focus is placed on prayer for the soul, as what one did in life makes little difference in the end. It is because of these factors that the Christians live for today, the Buddhists live for tomorrow.

Creative Product Promotion Describe the Promotional Mix

(a) Describe the promotional mix used by two selected organisations for a selected product/service. Coca-Cola Founded in 1886 by pharmacist Dr John S Pemberton in Atlanta, Georgia, The CocaCola Company is the world's leading manufacturer, marketer and distributor of non-alcoholic beverage concentrates and syrups, and produces nearly 400 brands. www. coca-cola. co. uk/about-us/introducing-our-business. html Coca-Cola was invented by Dr John Stith Pemberton and first went on sale at Jacob’s Pharmacy in Atlanta, Georgia and these days Coca-Cola is the world’s most favourite and most profitable drink from 1886.PROMOTIONAL MIX Advertising – Coca-Cola uses one of the most modern and popular advertising. Christmas advertisment most popular and Coca-Cola uses Santa Clause because he is with red suit and a white beard and he did not always look that way as Coca-Cola advertising shaped him like that. They use different types of advertising such as: * Print ads * Radio * Te levision * Billboards * Banners * Brochures * Signs * In-store displays * Posters * Web Pages * Motion Pictures Personal selling – Coca-Cola Corporation avoids personal selling but in case of large store and hotels etc. t does use personal selling. The sale officers contact the owners and sell their products directly to owners. Sales promotion – Sale promotion is very important because it can help to increase sales in a competitive market and thus, increase profits also it will help to sell all the existing stocks and there are many more advantages but not only for the company because consumers gets the product at a cheaper rate. The different types of sale promotions that Coca-Cola uses: Associated essay: Corporate Product Or Service CommunicationsBuy one get one free – long time ago Coca-Cola used buy 2L get 1L free and they found that this is not as effective as â€Å"buy one get one free† therefore from now on they are using this technique. Media – Coca-Cola always used this technique as it was most popular and profitable at the same time. To explain what is media it is a special code or message that can be found on the back of the cap and they used two different methods for that. First was more profitable way which was putting there codes and you had to send message or call a number shown to enter a lucky draw with various prizes.Second was putting messages on back of the cap where you could win another bottle of Coke instantly. Last but not least they used Joint Promotion – this is getting more and more popular. Coke is having a promotion from McDonalds, Dominos, KFC, Burger King and many other places, because for example Dominos migh t have a special offer when you buy a pizza you get a bottle of coke free. Public relations – The Coca-Cola has come up with a great public relations plan to use social media like Twitter and Facebook to convey their views on the environment and the actions they are taking.With campaigns like the Polar Bear campaign they started to integrate social media into their public relations. Also Coca-Cola reduced the percent of plastic in product bottling and made bottles recyclable. Direct Marketing is a channel-agnostic form of advertising that allows businesses and nonprofits to communicate straight to the customer, with advertising techniques such as mobile messaging, email, interactive consumer websites, online display ads, fliers, catalog distribution, promotional letters, and outdoor advertising.Corporate image Coca-Cola has a good corporate image although they had problems with the content of the coca-cola as it was containing a lot of sugar, caramel color, caffeine and it ma de it very addictive therefore Coca-cola had to reduce amounts of bad ingredients. As you can see from this chart it shows nutrition information and GDA of 500ml of Coca-Cola it clearly shows that 1L of Coca-cola would exceed GDA of sugar if consumed in one day. Corporate image may also be considered as the sixth aspect of promotion mix.The Image of an organization is a crucial point in marketing. If the reputation of a company is bad, consumers are less willing to buy a product from this company as they would have been, if the company had a good image. Sponsorship is sometimes added as an seventh aspect. Direct Marketing Coca-Cola does not use direct marketing techniques although they could consider using direct marketing techniques such as mobile messaging, email, interactive consumer websites, fliers and outdoor advertisingSponsorship – Coca-Cola is proud to have a long history of sponsoring major events such as American Idol, NBA and even more London Olympics Games, not e ven they get a good advertising from those events but moreover they are even making profit, and what is better than getting advertising for free. McDonalds Happy Meal Advertising – they advertise diffrent times of the day, they also put toys in happy meal that is related to popular movies. â€Å"Happy meal† comes in the box hat has games and colorful images and even more they even have a website that is represented in â€Å"happy meal† and animation around it. Coorparate image – McDonalds had bad coorparate images until they started to recycle bags and they also added healthy menu, happy meals over time is increasing its demand as kids likes to get a toy with their meal and also its a good choice of meal. Direct Marketing – McDonalds uses direct marketing through the parents to the children to sell happy meal, also they sell it via drive-through by offering â€Å"Happy Meal†.Personal selling – McDonalds uses personal selling and staff which are appointed for personal selling they are the one who perform the activities regarding selling up of goods to customers and almost every time if you order something one of the staff members will ask you do you want fries or drink with that and if someone comes with the kid they will offer happy meal for them. Sales promotion – McDonalds uses sales promotion through organizing various contests, programs, functions and promoting different choice of products in the happy meal.Also they uses their happy meal box to advertise latest movies and a lot of different events that children finds it attractive. Sponsorship – No one expected, but 2012 McDonald’s was the biggest sponsorship for London Olympics Games and from my view of point that was a very smart move, because they made a lot of profit out of it, because they was selling their fast-food during Olympics and moreover they had so much advertising that just increased their market share and even improved t heir corporate image.Publicly and public relationship –yes they have healthy opton adn they are part of the olympics Public relations – McDonald’s are improving their public relations over the years and their â€Å"Happy Meal† is favourite choice for the kids. To improve their public relations McDonald’s have created their â€Å"Facebook† and â€Å"Twitter† pages also they setup and YouTube channel to keep the customers updated with the latest products and promotions. Recommendations McDonaldsIn my opinion McDonalds should still try to improve their corporate image, because they had a lot of bad stories about their business that their food contains bad ingredients that are dangerous for your health so in order to do that they could decrease fat content and try to add more healthy options in their menu. Another good recommendation would be more choises in happy meal such as different burgers or drinks. All in all McDonalds is a strong brand and these recommendations would not affect them a lot, but still too maximise profit and customer satisfaction they must follow every single smart recommendation possible.Coca-Cola Coca-Cola had a lot of bad stories in past and a lot of them has to do with business ethics and not being environmentally friendly therefore they made their corporate image bad for a while, and some people still remember those things. In order to improve their corporate image Coca-Cola should try to be more energy efficient, recycle more of their products, make more events and charities, create new products and keep their products at competitive price. All in all coke is most popular soft drink in the world and it going to stay for a long time if they keep doing good job.

A Violent Society (media violence) essays

A Violent Society (media violence) essays The American society, it seems, is often depicted as violence portrayed at its best. As a people we obviously do not condone or accept this form of action yet we know it is among us. Everyday we see or hear about an evil occurring, whether it is a hit and run, a robbery, or a murder. Because of the consistency of these events in our country, many people have sought to answer the question, Why? Why do people become so infatuated with wrong doing that they perform such violent crimes? Some have come to believe that our own entertainment industry is at fault. More often than not, in television and cinema there are themes and messages involving violence. Can these enjoyable experiences make us feel as if we need to act them out? I believe not. It seems that the average person who enjoys this entertainment may come to appreciate violence, yet still will never think of acting as a part of it. Although I will also suggest that violence on television can and has pursued those who already hav e the sort of behavior and mind-set to produce cruelty. Another question to ask is, when will the creators of this leisure activity take it to the point where it will create a desire to act out what we see and hear? First we heard about violence, then we got to see it, and now we get to control it in games. Is this far enough? Whats next? Some see this entertainment as simple pleasure, others can see it as a push to evil, and still others say it just shouldnt go any further. Everyday there becomes more and more violence in our entertainment. We see the new action-packed good guy bad guy T.V. show or we buy tickets to the latest horror film. Our minds are already set that anything with immoral scenes has got to be good. Some then begin to enjoy crime filled content so much that theyll never miss anything new. Yet, when they watch the news alert on the latest murder. They become just as sympathetic and dis ...

The House on Mango Street †Literature Essay

The House on Mango Street – Literature Essay Free Online Research Papers The House on Mango Street Literature Essay Norman Vincent Pearle, An American Protestant Clergyman and Writer, states, â€Å"One of the greatest moments in anybodys developing experience is when he no longer tries to hide from himself but determines to get acquainted with himself as he really is†. Esperanza Cordero lives in Mango Street a barren and ravaged vicinity, where she discovers the hard veracity of existence, the social economical class and gender. Esperanza is faced with numerous obstacles’, such as her apparition of racial antagonism, and the mysteries of her emotional thoughts and sexuality. Living in Mango Street changes the perception of Esperanza from a credulous child into a blossomed and mature young woman. Esperanza is mainly influenced by her; neighborhood, socioeconomic status, and family. Esperanza’s neighborhood is fundamentally the main aspect of her identity. In the novel, House on Mango Street, Sandra Cisneros, claims, â€Å"The Laundromat downstairs has been boarded up because it had been robbed two days before† (Cisneros 4-5). Even though the Laundromat had been robbed, Esperanza is not bothered by it, knowing that her neighborhood is ghastly, she is used to it. The robbing of the Laundromat is a significant event, which idealizes the type of neighborhood Esperanza resides in. In the chapter, â€Å"Those Who Don’t†, Esperanza describes her neighbor as, â€Å"All brown all around† (Cisneros 28). What Esperanza means by â€Å"All brown all around†, is that their all similar inhabitants who live in her neighborhood, which explains Esperanza’s identity. The race of Esperanza’s neighborhood is a significant detail in Esperanza’s neighborhood because it identifies what people assume of Mango Street. Another effect on Esperanza’s Identity is her socioeconomic status. Sandra Cisneros, Author of, The House on Mango Street, states, â€Å"Before we lived in Mango Street we lived in Keller† (Cisneros 3). Esperanza’s moving from place to place, describes the socioeconomic status, though Esperanza does not like moving a lot, it is due to the families financial status. Esperanza is affected by moving from one place to another, because getting used to a new area is not a fast experience. Esperanza’s socioeconomic status is a negative influence because the house on Mango Street was not the house, Esperanza’s father described. In the chapter, â€Å"The House on Mango Street†, Esperanza states how the nun pointed at her house and said, â€Å"You live there?† (Cisneros 4-5). Esperanza was hurt when she realized that the nun was surprised at the state she lives in, due to her socioeconomic status. This impacted Esperanza’s Self-esteem and knew that living wasn’t Mango Street was not temporary. The Final element of identity that describes Esperanza is her family. Sandra Cisneros, the author of House on Mango Street, exclaims, â€Å"Until then I am a red balloon, a balloon tied to an anchor† (Cisneros 9). What Esperanza means is that her little sister is getting in the way of her finding friends, since she has to take Nenny everywhere she goes. Elaborating on the balloon tied on to the anchor, Esperanza could mean that the string is the symbol of their family. Esperanza is affected by her family in the chapter â€Å"House on Mango Street†, when all family member have to live in one bedroom. This say a lot thing about Esperanza’s as family member, because taking care of Nenny isn’t enough, she has to share a room with all her family member, which shows a lot of persistence and determination. Esperanza loved her family and always wonders how she belonged in a family like her, but she knew there was a reason why she was there. In conclusion, Esperanza’s attitude changed as the novel went on she experienced many difficulties, but she managed to overcome these obstacles and still thrive. Esperanza’s identity is influenced mainly by her; neighborhood, socioeconomic status and family. Living in Mango Street was a challenge for Esperanza at first, but coming towards events like being raped at the carnal to being kissed by an old man on his birthday all changed her perspective and gave her a new clear vision of her surrounding, At the end of the novel Esperanza wasn’t a credulous or naà ¯ve anymore, she was educated and ready to leave Mango Street, a Street she will always remember. As the great Pablo Picasso said, â€Å"Inspiration does exist, it must find you working† Work Cited Cisneros, Sandra. The House on Mango Street. New York: Vintage Book, 1984. Research Papers on The House on Mango Street - Literature EssayUnreasonable Searches and SeizuresNever Been Kicked Out of a Place This NiceTrailblazing by Eric AndersonHarry Potter and the Deathly Hallows Essay19 Century Society: A Deeply Divided EraInfluences of Socio-Economic Status of Married MalesThe Relationship Between Delinquency and Drug UseMoral and Ethical Issues in Hiring New EmployeesMind TravelThe Spring and Autumn

Second Seminole War, 1835-1842

Second Seminole War, 1835-1842 Having ratified the Adams-Onà ­s Treaty in 1821, the United States officially purchased Florida from Spain. Taking control, American officials concluded the Treaty of Moultrie Creek two years later which established a large reservation in central Florida for the Seminoles. By 1827, the majority of the Seminoles had moved to the reservation and Fort King (Ocala) was constructed nearby under the guidance of Colonel Duncan L. Clinch. Though the next five years were largely peaceful, some began to call for the Seminoles to be relocated west of the Mississippi River. This was partially driven by issues revolving around the Seminoles providing sanctuary for escaped slaves, a group that became known as the Black Seminoles. In addition, the Seminoles were increasingly leaving the reservation as hunting on their lands was poor. Seeds of Conflict In an effort to eliminate the Seminole problem, Washington passed the Indian Removal Act in 1830 which called for their relocation west. Meeting at Paynes Landing, FL in 1832, officials discussed relocation with the leading Seminole chiefs. Coming to an agreement, the Treaty of Paynes Landing stated that the Seminoles would move if a council of chiefs agreed that the lands in the west were suitable. Touring the lands near the Creek Reservation, the council agreed and signed a document stating that the lands were acceptable. Returning to Florida, they quickly renounced their previous statement and claimed they had been forced to sign the document. Despite this, the treaty was ratified by the US Senate and the Seminoles were given three years complete their move. The Seminoles Attack In October 1834, the Seminole chiefs informed the agent at Fort King, Wiley Thompson, that they had no intention of moving. While Thompson began receiving reports that the Seminoles were gathering weapons, Clinch alerted Washington that force may be required to compel the Seminoles to relocate. After further discussions in 1835, some of the Seminole chiefs agreed to move, however the most powerful refused. With the situation deteriorating, Thompson cut off the sale of weapons to the Seminoles. As the year progressed, minor attacks began occurring around Florida. As these began to intensify, the territory began preparing for war. In December, in an effort to reinforce Fort King, the US Army directed Major Francis Dade to take two companies north from Fort Brooke (Tampa). As they marched, they were shadowed by the Seminoles. On December 28, the Seminoles attacked, killing all but two of Dades 110 men. That same day, a party led by the warrior Osceola ambushed and killed Thompson. Gaines Response In response, Clinch moved south and fought an inconclusive battle with the Seminoles on December 31 near their base in the Cove of the Withlacoochee River. As the war quickly escalated, Major General Winfield Scott was charged with eliminating the Seminole threat. His first action was to direct Brigadier General Edmund P. Gaines to attack with a force of around 1,100 regulars and volunteers. Arriving at Fort Brooke from New Orleans, Gaines troops began moving towards Fort King. Along the way, they buried the bodies of Dades command. Arriving at Fort King, they found it short on supplies. After conferring with Clinch, who was based at Fort Drane to the north, Gaines elected to return to Fort Brooke via the Cove of the Withlacoochee River. Moving along the river in February, he engaged the Seminoles in mid-February. Unable to advance and knowing there were no supplies at Fort King, he elected to fortify his position. Hemmed in, Gaines was rescued in early March by Clinchs men who had c ome down from Fort Drane (Map). Scott in the Field With Gaines failure, Scott elected to take command of operations in person. A hero of the War of 1812, he planned a large-scale campaign against the Cove which called for 5,000 men in three columns to strike the area in concert. Though all three columns were supposed to be in place on March 25, delays ensued and they were not ready until March 30. Traveling with a column led by Clinch, Scott entered the Cove but found that the Seminole villages had been abandoned. Short on supplies, Scott withdrew to Fort Brooke. As the spring progressed, Seminole attacks and the incidence of disease increased compelling the US Army to withdraw from key posts such as Forts King and Drane. Seeking to turn the tide, Governor Richard K. Call took the field with a force of volunteers in September. While an initial campaign up the Withlacoochee failed, a second in November saw him engage the Seminoles in the Battle of Wahoo Swamp. Unable to advance during the fighting, Call fell back to Volusia, FL. Jesup in Command On December 9, 1836, Major General Thomas Jesup relieved Call. Victorious in the Creek War of 1836, Jesup sought to grind down the Seminoles and his forces ultimately increased to around 9,000 men. Working in conjunction with the US Navy and Marine Corps, Jesup began to turn American fortunes. On January 26, 1837, American forces won a victory at Hatchee-Lustee. Shortly thereafter, the Seminole chiefs approached Jesup regarding a truce. Meeting in March, an agreement was reached which would allow the Seminoles to move west with their negroes, [and] their bona fide property. As the Seminoles came into camps, they were accosted by slave catchers and debt collectors. With relations again worsening, two Seminole leaders, Osceola and Sam Jones, arrived and led away around 700 Seminoles. Angered by this, Jesup resumed operations and began sending raiding parties into Seminole territory. In the course of these, his men captured the leaders King Philip and Uchee Billy. In an effort to conclude the issue, Jesup began resorting to trickery to capture Seminole leaders. In October, he arrested King Philips son, Coacoochee, after forcing his father to write a letter requesting a meeting. That same month, Jesup arranged for a meeting with Osceola and Coa Hadjo. Though the two Seminole leaders arrived under a flag of truce, they were quickly taken prisoner. While Osceola would die of malaria three months later, Coacoochee escaped from captivity. Later that fall, Jesup used a delegation of Cherokees to draw out additional Seminole leaders so that they could be arrested. At the same time, Jesup worked to build a large military force. Divided into three columns, he sought to force the remaining Seminoles south. One of these columns, led by Colonel Zachary Taylor encountered a strong Seminole force, led by Alligator, on Christmas Day. Attacking, Taylor won a bloody victory at the Battle of Lake Okeechobee. As Jesups forces united and continued their campaign, a combined Army-Navy force fought a bitter battle at Jupiter Inlet on January 12, 1838. Forced to fall back, their retreat was covered by Lieutenant Joseph E. Johnston. Twelve days later, Jesups army won victory nearby at the Battle of Loxahatchee. The following month, leading Seminole chiefs approached Jesup and offered to stop fighting if given a reservation in southern Florida. While Jesup favored this approach, it was declined by the War Department and he was ordered to continue fighting. As a large number of Seminoles had gathered around his camp, he informed them of Washingtons decision and quickly detained them. Tired of the conflict, Jesup asked to be relieved and was replaced by Taylor, who was promoted to brigadier general, in May. Taylor Takes Charge Operating with reduced forces, Taylor sought to protect northern Florida so that settlers could return to their homes. In an effort to secure the region, the constructed a series of small forts connected by roads. While these protected American settlers, Taylor used larger formations to seek out the remaining Seminoles. This approach was largely successful and fighting quieted during the latter part of 1838. In an effort to conclude the war, President Martin Van Buren dispatched Major General Alexander Macomb to make peace. After a slow start, negotiations finally produced a peace treaty on May 19, 1839 which allowed for a reservation in southern Florida. The peace held for a little over two months and ended when Seminoles attacked Colonel William Harneys command at a trading post along the Caloosahatchee River on July 23. In the wake of this incident, attacks and ambushes of American troops and settlers resumed. In May 1840, Taylor was granted a transfer and replaced with Brigadier General Walker K. Armistead. Increasing the Pressure Taking the offensive, Armistead campaigned in the summer despite the weather and threat of disease. Striking at Seminole crops and settlements, he sought to deprive them of supplies and sustenance. Turning over the defense of northern Florida to the militia, Armistead continued to pressure the Seminoles. Despite a Seminole raid on Indian Key in August, American forces continued the offensive and Harney conducted a successful attack into the Everglades in December. In addition to military activity, Armistead used a system of bribes and inducements to convince various Seminole leaders to take their bands west. Turning over operations to Colonel William J. Worth in May 1841, Armistead left Florida. Continuing Armisteads system of raids during that summer, Worth cleared the Cove of the Withlacoochee and much of northern Florida. Capturing Coacoochee on June 4, he used the Seminole leader to bring in those who were resisting. This proved partially successful. In November, US troops attacked into the Big Cypress Swamp and burned several villages. With fighting winding down in early 1842, Worth recommended leaving the remaining Seminoles in place if they would remain on an informal reservation in southern Florida. In August, Worth met with the Seminole leaders and offered final inducements to relocate. Believing that the last Seminoles would either move or shift to the reservation, Worth declared the war to be over on August 14, 1842. Taking leave, he turned command over to Colonel Josiah Vose. A short time later, attacks on settlers resumed and Vose was ordered to attack the bands that were still off the reservation. Concerned that such action would have a negative effect on those complying, he requested permission not to attack. This was granted, though when Worth returned in November he ordered key Seminole leaders, such as Otiarche and Tiger Tail, brought in and secured. Remaining in Florida, Worth reported in early 1843 that the situation was largely peaceful and that only 300 Seminoles, all on the reservation, remained in the territory. Aftermath During operations in Florida, the US Army suffered 1,466 killed with the majority dying of disease. Seminole losses are not known with any degree of certainty. The Second Seminole War proved to be the longest and costliest conflict with a Native American group fought by the United States. In the course of the fighting, numerous officers gained valuable experience which would serve them well in the Mexican-American War and the Civil War. Though Florida remained peaceful, authorities in the territory pressed for the full removal of the Seminoles. This pressure increased through the 1850s and ultimately led to the Third Seminole War (1855-1858).

Supporting Mental Health Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Supporting Mental Health - Essay Example Understanding the biological make up, environmental factors and providing quality programs that promote the child’s healthy mind are all supportive of mental health. A biological factor which contributes to the child’s mental health involves the genetic influence. A number of genetic disorders had created mental retardation. A child is considered retarded if he has an extremely poor performance in any standardized intelligence tests. However, not all forms of retardation are inherited. One form could reside in the impairment of the brain and nervous system as a result of trauma or an imbalance in the body’s neurotransmitter chemicals in transmitting messages to and from the brain. Others could be caused by failure in the genetic code to produce necessary enzymes for important metabolism promoting mental health. A child who is free from all of these biological misfortunes may have a healthier mind. Although, there is strong hereditary evidence influencing the chil d’s mental health, the same applies to the effect of the environmental factors. Santhrock and Yussen (1984) in their book explain that environmental factors like home and education may likewise have an impact on the child’s mental health. Home environment which constitutes the family could enrich or damage the child’s mental health.

Criminal Law Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2500 words

Criminal Law - Essay Example The requirement for a defence of provocation was a sudden and temporary loss of control, which clearly favoured the impulsive and short – tempered individual. In general, the defence of provocation under the common law had been denied to individuals who had not acted spontaneously, consequent to the provocative action or words of the victim. It was also denied to people who were subjected to a sequence of provocative actions that finally caused them to kill their persecutor.2 In addition, a defence of loss of control is admissible, only if certain conditions are satisfied. These have been described in the Coroners and Justice Act 2009.3 One of the most important of these conditions is that the defendant must have lost self – control, due to a qualifying trigger. In R v Clinton,4 these issues were discussed in depth.5 Clinton appealed against his conviction for the murder of his wife. It was held that partial defence of loss of control, in murder cases, could not entirel y exclude sexual infidelity as a trigger for the violent act.6 Clinton had pleaded guilty to manslaughter based on loss of control or of diminished responsibility. A situation of an extremely grave nature that causes the defendant to believe that he has been seriously wronged can be classified as a qualifying trigger.7 However, the applicable statute, namely the Coroners and Justice Act 2009 had not included sexual infidelity as a qualifying trigger. As such, the erstwhile defence of provocation has been annulled and supplanted with a partial defence of loss of control. This was achieved, via the provisions of the Coroners and Justice Act 2009.8 An expansion has been achieved by means of this new defence, as it encompasses instances of loss of control occasioned by anger or outrage, and fear. This change was the outcome of the efforts of the Law Commission in the years 2004 and 2006, and which was finalised by the Government consultation paper of 2008.9 With regard to provocation, t he Coroners and Justice Act 2009, while considering the previous law, engenders a strikingly different approach and attribution of prominence that is the outcome of the deliberations of the Law Commission. However, the suggestions of the Law Commission have not been adopted in their entirety. The principal change recommended by the Law Commission was that the new partial defences relating to anger and fear were to be construed in a manner that required the abandonment of the loss of control. 10 Nevertheless, this recommendation of the Law Commission was not accepted. As such, the Law Commission had made a recommendation that required killing through fear and anger to be viewed from an entirely different perspective.11 This perspective was essentially founded on the notion of rejection of loss of control. Moreover, the Coroners and Justice Act 2009 describes the conditions wherein a qualifying trigger could be present.12 Objective evaluation is essential, in accordance with the requi rements of subsection 55(4) of this Act. At the same time, the prohibitions in subsection (6) of this Act served to complicate the process of objective evaluation. This latter subsection identified several features that were to be explicitly excluded from the class of qualifying triggers.13 In addition, the greatest difficulty was encountered with subsection 55(6)(c) of the

Discuss the diagnostic value of CT and MR imaging in the diagnosis of Essay

Discuss the diagnostic value of CT and MR imaging in the diagnosis of hepatocellular - Essay Example The environmental factors are also found to have a greater influence on HCC. The higher level of consumption of alcohol also causes HCC. (Carr 2009). The recent advances in the tissue specific image analysis have made the diagnosis of the diseases at the inner organs very easy with high sensitivity. MRI and CT are the two techniques that use the image analysis. HCC is a very chronic liver disease with several levels. Hence the diagnostic of each level is very essential for the complete treatment and also for resection of the part. (Kamel and Bluemke 2002). Any destruction to the liver parenchyma, biliary ducts and vascular structures must be analyzed properly to study the liver dysfunction. HCC can occur as an infectious or inflammatory disease resulting in storage and metabolic disorders and sometimes may lead to vascular diseases or neoplastic disease. Diagnosis of HCC: When a person is suspected with HCC, the ultra sound diagnosis is done first and if the case is found to be much severe then contrast medium – enhanced helical computed tomography (CT) along with dynamic magnetic resonance (MR) imaging is used. Combination of CT and MR is found to give accurate non-invasive screening modalities. At the time of diagnosis, the tumor may be small or large. The infection level may be small or chronic. The diagnosis must be able to provide complete information regarding the condition of the tumor and the level of treating it. For this we require a proper diagnostic technique. The studies have found that MRI or CT can provide better diagnostic results. But it was also found that MRI can predict results only to certain limit and so do CT. So a further analysis of these techniques will provide a good idea of what to use and when to use. As HCC are hyper vascular disease, contrast agent is used for the diagnosis. There are four phases in the liver CT scanning. They are pre contrast, arterial phase, portal venous phase and delayed phase. The CT scan is performed for these phases based on the disease condition whether it is hyper vascular or hypo vascular. In CT scan, the pre contrast phase imaging helps us to detect the calcifications in the liver and they are also able to demonstrate the hyper vascular lesions present hypo attenuating to the parenchyma liver cells. (Hayashida et al. 2007). The arterial phase imaging is done after 30 seconds from the injection of contrast phase. The arterial phase scanning is used to demonstrate the hyper vascular lesions that are present in the liver by the enhancement of the liver. This arterial phase imaging helps the doctors to decide whether to go for operation of the tumor or treat it with medicines. This imaging is done as a 3D imaging and thus is of more useful in diagnosis. The portal venous phase is done after 70-90 seconds of injecting the contrast medium and they help to evaluate the hypovascular lesions in the body. (Kamel and Bluemke 2002). The last phase is the delayed phase where the lesions are characterized further after 5 – 10 minutes of injection. The HCC can be seen as hypodense lesions as the contrast pahse is washed out completely. Pathologic changes in the hepatic cirrhosis: Cirrhosis occurs due to the hepatic injury and results in the fibrosis diffusion. The nodules are regenerated from the liver cell necrosis and

Communicating During a Downsizing Case Study Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words - 28

Communicating During a Downsizing - Case Study Example The slogan for the operation is â€Å"transformation with reaffirmation† meaning that change is inevitable but there is always a reason for it. Through a deep deliberation, it is decided that the best method to inform the employees that they are being let go is the use of the face to face communication due to how serious the issue is. It is important to explain to the employees the need for change, the method of handling it, and the necessary support available to the hospital employees. Much control is to be given to the employees and for this reason the use of open communication. Employees willing to undergo early retirement are to forward their details. Basing on the respond the action can be taken to layoff those willing and save those willing to remain. Those laid off are to undergo counseling, attend workshops on resume building, issued with recommendations from the hospital, and anything that is of benefit to the career of the employee and life (Lehman & Dufrene, 2011). A clear timeframe for the layoff events is created so that everyone is aware of the sequence of events for the layoff. It helps in ensuring that everyone has the desired information about the process. A track record of how the employees are coping with the change is formulated through a series of records to ensure a seamless flow of events. It gives a control tool to help when the need arises. However, the process is not expected to be definite as there is no easy layoff but the aim of the communication is to ensure that the employees understand the need for change. The plan is also to help the hospital maintain its reputation and do what it has done (Lehman & Dufrene, 2011).   The hospital is faced with a situation where 200 employees out of 1500 should downsize. It is a fact that the hospital does not operate in isolation but in the environment that needs consideration in effecting the step. The general public is another element to consider in effecting the issue. The government, the local community, the investors and other friends of the hospitals to be put into consideration (Clampitt, 2009).  

Fire Accidents Due to Electrical Code Violations Essay

Fire Accidents Due to Electrical Code Violations - Essay Example The foremost activities of National Electricity Energy Board encompass electrical installations. It requires immense care procedures to be followed to prevent accidents caused by electricity. Although the electricity codes are followed but some violation of this, results in the fire accidents accounting for 3-4% of annual accidents. On analysis it was theoretically postulated that the causes of these accidents could be eliminated in 90% situations (Comini, R., Pontorieri, L., Fanello, G, 1989). Electrical appliances are designed to carry elated load. The current carrying capacity of every instrument or machine is limited and defined depending upon the size and material of which it is made and also on the type of insulation and manner of installation. If they are compelled to carry loads greater than their capacities they will overheat. The excess current will heat the electrical conductors and a point is reached where they will break causing fire hazard. It first causes the insulation to bur, exposing live parts (Martin and Walters). The fatalities in which electricity according to CFOI and SOII data, shows that 2,287 U.S. workers died and 32,807 workers persistently stayed away from work due to electrical shock or electrical burn injuries between 1992 and 1998 (Cawley, Homace, 2003). Major groups were sorted out to categorize electric fatalities: 1. Industries: OSHA (Occupational Safety and Health Administration) inspected at Progressive processing of Ohio Steel Firms and found OSHA violation. The fatality encompasses entangled employee's clothing in rotating part of the machine. There was not only willful violation of the machine guarding regulatory standards but also found that steel processing firm failed to protect the hearing loss (Smith, S, 2003). 2. Construction Industry: 44% of electrical fatalities occurred in the construction industry (Cawley, Homace, 2003). 3. Overhead power lines caused 41% of all electrical fatalities (Cawley, Homace, 2003). Case: A tree lopper received a fatal electric shock when carrying out vegetation control work from the bucket of an elevated work platform. His pole mounted chain saw contacted 22,000 volt power lines (Electricity related serious accidents and fatalities). 4. Electrical shock caused 99% of fatal and 62% of nonfatal electrical accidents (Cawley, Homace, 2003). Case: An electrical contractor was electrocuted when he mistakenly identified a power circuit cable and isolated the wrong circuit when checking live cable junctions in a roof space (Electricity related serious accidents and fatalities). Case: A person was electrocuted

Biology (medical botany) Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2500 words

Biology (medical botany) - Essay Example Several findings and implications of the same are established in this study. It concluded that an inhibition was exhibited in the migration of the endothelial cells of the human umbilical cord, in vitro, due to the use of both drugs. Subsequently, the researchers noted that the result of the migration as synergistically inhibited was due to the combination of the two drugs; thus, implying that the drugs were synergestically related. In another perspective, the drugs indicated independent action modes given that artesunate, in XTT assay, repressed HUVEC growth, while captopril in XTT array did not in the entire range of the dose. In establishing the quail egg CAN assay, the study established that a significant reduction in the surface area of the vascular chorioallantoic membranes was noted. The artesunate is shown to have an impact on the growth and structure of the blood cells as witnessed in the veins of the eggs that did not turn red. However, the formation of the blood vessels was inhibited by both drugs, significantly, as compared to the DMSO, which was the negative control. In another finding that analysed the branching of the blood vessels in quail CAM assay, measurements made revealed that the branches fractions and lengths in quail eggs treated by both artesunate and captopril significantly differed from the DMSO with the P Consequently, in testing for the synergism between the captopril and artesunate in vivo, the IC50 values for both drugs were determined for single doses. The effect of this was that a substance that was not affected by the drug, its obtained vascular area was to be 50% of the negative control. If lower than 50%, then the substances acted antagonistically, while if higher than 50%, then the substances acted synergistically. In

Communicating During a Downsizing Case Study Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words - 28

Communicating During a Downsizing - Case Study Example The slogan for the operation is â€Å"transformation with reaffirmation† meaning that change is inevitable but there is always a reason for it. Through a deep deliberation, it is decided that the best method to inform the employees that they are being let go is the use of the face to face communication due to how serious the issue is. It is important to explain to the employees the need for change, the method of handling it, and the necessary support available to the hospital employees. Much control is to be given to the employees and for this reason the use of open communication. Employees willing to undergo early retirement are to forward their details. Basing on the respond the action can be taken to layoff those willing and save those willing to remain. Those laid off are to undergo counseling, attend workshops on resume building, issued with recommendations from the hospital, and anything that is of benefit to the career of the employee and life (Lehman & Dufrene, 2011). A clear timeframe for the layoff events is created so that everyone is aware of the sequence of events for the layoff. It helps in ensuring that everyone has the desired information about the process. A track record of how the employees are coping with the change is formulated through a series of records to ensure a seamless flow of events. It gives a control tool to help when the need arises. However, the process is not expected to be definite as there is no easy layoff but the aim of the communication is to ensure that the employees understand the need for change. The plan is also to help the hospital maintain its reputation and do what it has done (Lehman & Dufrene, 2011).   The hospital is faced with a situation where 200 employees out of 1500 should downsize. It is a fact that the hospital does not operate in isolation but in the environment that needs consideration in effecting the step. The general public is another element to consider in effecting the issue. The government, the local community, the investors and other friends of the hospitals to be put into consideration (Clampitt, 2009).  

Biology (medical botany) Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2500 words

Biology (medical botany) - Essay Example Several findings and implications of the same are established in this study. It concluded that an inhibition was exhibited in the migration of the endothelial cells of the human umbilical cord, in vitro, due to the use of both drugs. Subsequently, the researchers noted that the result of the migration as synergistically inhibited was due to the combination of the two drugs; thus, implying that the drugs were synergestically related. In another perspective, the drugs indicated independent action modes given that artesunate, in XTT assay, repressed HUVEC growth, while captopril in XTT array did not in the entire range of the dose. In establishing the quail egg CAN assay, the study established that a significant reduction in the surface area of the vascular chorioallantoic membranes was noted. The artesunate is shown to have an impact on the growth and structure of the blood cells as witnessed in the veins of the eggs that did not turn red. However, the formation of the blood vessels was inhibited by both drugs, significantly, as compared to the DMSO, which was the negative control. In another finding that analysed the branching of the blood vessels in quail CAM assay, measurements made revealed that the branches fractions and lengths in quail eggs treated by both artesunate and captopril significantly differed from the DMSO with the P Consequently, in testing for the synergism between the captopril and artesunate in vivo, the IC50 values for both drugs were determined for single doses. The effect of this was that a substance that was not affected by the drug, its obtained vascular area was to be 50% of the negative control. If lower than 50%, then the substances acted antagonistically, while if higher than 50%, then the substances acted synergistically. In

Platos Socrates Essay Example for Free

Platos Socrates Essay In order for the concept of wisdom to carry any viable weight in the affairs of the world, it is necessary for said concept to acknowledge the link between wisdom as an abstract idea and wisdom as a guiding principle for pragmatic action. Although other thinkers within the list of writers and philosophers we have studies do promote the idea of wisdom as a pragmatically applied force; Henry David Thoreaus interpretation of wisdom and its applications in human life and in human society seems to me the most reasonable interpretation among those we have studied so far. Thoreaus basic idea of wisdom is relative easy to understand adn emerges, not from abstract philosophical discourse, but from the vantage point of everday life: Does Wisdom work in a tread-mill? or does she teach how to succeed by her example? Is there any such thing as wisdom not applied to life? (Thoreau 118) By asking these questions in connection to the idea of wisdom, Thoreau makes it obvious that he regards wisdom as a method of defining nd helping to instruct human behavior and not merely human thought. Interestingly enough, while Thoreaus definition of wisdom is steeped in the practical and the pragmatic, he admonishes his readers and listeners not to confuse materialism and wisdom, that is, not to mistake the pragmatic of earning a living with the pragmatics of wisdom: It is pertinent to ask if Plato got his living in a better way or more successfully than his contemporaries,or did he[ ] find it easier to live, because his aunt remembered him in her will? The ways in which most men get their living, that is, live, are mere makeshifts, and a shirking of the real business of life,chiefly because they do not know, but partly because they do not mean, any better, (Thoreau 118). The application of Thoreaus pragmatic vision of wisdom may elude some observers; however, Thoreau, himself, illustrates the application of his idea of wisdom by turning his sights to the gold rush fever which enveloped his contemporaries: Did God direct us so to get our living, digging where we never planted,and He would, perchance, reward us with lumps of gold? (Thoreau 119) where, obviously, Thoreaus hang up with gold-rushers is not their pursuit of earning a living, per se, but with the folly of their believing that gold can, in and of itself, replace the need for wisdom: I did not know that mankind was suffering for want of gold. I have seen a little of it. I know that it is very malleable, but not so malleable as wit. A grain of gold will gild a great surface, but not so much as a grain of wisdom,; where Thoreuas ironic contrast of gold and wisdom leaves little doubt, in the end, as to which he views as more crucial to humanity. (Thoreau 119) 2. Whose view of wisdom (Socrates, Thoreau, Huxley, Pieper, or Frankl) seems to be the least reasonable? Why? Although Platos Socratic writings on the nature and meaning of justice achieve and inner-harmony and function in logical consistency with the rest of his ideas regarding ethics, aesthetics, and civics, Socrates view of wisdom, as defined by Plato, strikes me as the least rational of the theories and ideas we have studied. Far be it for me or anyone else to accuse Plato of leaving holes in his theory of wisdom; that is not the issue so much as the circclar nature of Platos reasoning which leads me to feel that the concepts of wisdom which are described by Socrates offer very little in the way of practical application in life and seem more like abstract ideas meant to stimulate those who enjoy pondering theory, rather than to assist those who are truly seeking applicable means for wisdom in daily life. Primarily, it is Socrates insistence that wisdom exists beyond the human appreciation of it, which seems to cripple the overall argument on the nature of what comprises wisdom: Socrates considers there to be two general sorts of knowledge, one which makes its possessor wise and one which does not. Socrates, and others too, can confidently and quite correctly claim to have a number of instances of the latter sort; but no human being can rightly claim to have the former sort, since no human being has ever attained the wisdom Socrates himself disclaims having when he professes ignorance, (Brickhouse, and Smith 31). true enough, Socrates humility in professing himself to be without wisdom has puzzled observers adn scholars for quite some time; however, the admission that wisdom exists, apart from human understanding, nd must be pursued even to the point of admitting that it cannot be attained, leaves the entire issue of wisdom up in the air form a pragmatic point of view. Socrates may believe that human wisdom is of little or no value (23a6-7). What would be of great value, if only he had itnamely, real wisdomSocrates and all others lack. The greatest wisdom for human beings, as we have just seen, is the recognition that we are in truth worth nothing in respect to wisdom (Brickhouse, and Smith 33) and this type of vision is, of course, another variation on a religious or metaphysical concept: that of Divine Wisdom. For Socrates, wisdom is an abstract power deemed tor reside within the Divine consciousness but only sparingly in human consciousness. I would say that nay definition of wisdom which fails to forward a concrete, pragmatic application as pertains to human society and individual behavior is worthwhile only from a purely intellectual point of view. Works Cited Brickhouse, Thomas C. , and Nicholas D. Smith. Platos Socrates. New York: Oxford University Press, 1995. Harding, Walter, ed. Thoreau: A Century of Criticism. Dallas, TX: Southern Methodist University Press, 1954. Thoreau, Henry David. The Major Essays of Henry David Thoreau. Ed. Richard Dillman. Albany, NY: Whitston Publishing, 2001.

The Role of Culture in Conflict Resolution

The Role of Culture in Conflict Resolution CASE OF DAGBON IN GHANA The inter-relativity and connectivity of human endeavor has made conflict something unavoidable as it has come to eventually be part of the normal routine of human social interaction. Ethnic conflicts and civil wars continue to plague many African countries especially in the last two decades. There are growing concerns about the impacts of these conflicts on sub-regional and regional stability as well as security, with adverse implications on economic growth, environment and development. The impacts of these conflicts have been severest on the vulnerable groups such as the aged, women and children reversing many development efforts in conflict zones (John Kusimi; Julius Fobil; Raymond Atuguba; Isabella Erawoc; Franklin Oduro Abstract: Conflicts in Northern Ghana a Mirror of Answers to Sub-Regional Stability and Security Questions). Conflict has both a colloquial meaning and a discouragingly long list of specific definitions. The list includes four rather different usages if the term: (1) antecedent conditions to some overt struggle (2) affective states (tension or hostility) (3) cognitive states (for example the perception that some other person or entity acts against ones interest and (4) conflictful behavior, verbal or non verbal ranging from passive resistance to active aggression. According to Wiktionary, conflict is an incompatibility of two things that cannot be simultaneously fulfilled. In simple terms conflict denotes a situation when two or more organizations or persons are in a contradiction between them.. Conflict is more expansive than normally perceived. The conflict is a contradiction, a war, maybe a competition exist but the real conflict condition is more greatest way to express violence, and where this take place and violence take effect, it generate more and more conflicts. Culture (from the Latin cultura stemming from colere, meaning â€Å"to cultivate†) is a term that has different meanings. For example, in 1952, Alfred Kroeber and Clyde Kluckhohn compiled a list of 164 definitions of â€Å"culture† in Culture: a Critical Review of Concepts and Definitions. However, the word â€Å"culture† is most commonly used in three basic senses: Excellence of taste in the fine arts and humanities, also known as high culture An integrated pattern of human knowledge, belief, and behavior that depends upon the capacity for symbolic thought and social learning The set of shared attitudes, values, goals, and practices that characterizes an institution, organization or group (Harper, Douglas (2001). Online Etymology Dictionary and Kroeber, A. L. and C. Kluckhohn, (1952). Culture: A Critical Review of Concepts and Definitions) When the concept first emerged in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Europe, it connoted a process of cultivation or improvement, as in agriculture or horticulture. In the nineteenth century, it came to refer first to the betterment or refinement of the individual, especially through education, and then to the fulfillment of national aspirations or ideals. In the mid-nineteenth century, some scientists used the term â€Å"culture† to refer to a universal human capacity (C. Kluckhohn, (1952). Culture: A Critical Review of Concepts and Definitions) Although largely ignored as being a key element in the generation of conflicts, culture is an essential part of conflict and conflict resolution (LeBaron, Michelle Conflict and Culture: Research in Five Communities in British Columbia, Canada). Culture, mostly acting within the parameters of a toothless bulldog, it permeate all spheres of the normal daily occurrences and it does so in the least expected ways. It serves as collating avenue which sends us messages that shape our perceptions, attributions, judgments, and ideas of self and other. Cultures are powerful, they are often unconscious, influencing conflict and attempts to resolve conflict in imperceptible ways. For the single individual, cultures are a shifting, dynamic set of starting points that orient us in particular way and away from other directions. Each of us belongs to multiple cultures that give us messages about what is normal, appropriate, and expected. When others do not meet our expectations, it is often a cue that our cultural expectations are different and thought or projected as un-respected. We may mistake differences between others and us for evidence of bad faith or lack of common sense on the part of others, not realizing that common sense is not cultural. What is common to one group may seem strange, counter intuitive, or wrong to another. In the dividing circles of two groups, culture projects a huge sense of uniqueness; something most individuals would prefer to die for than to witness it degraded by the opposing group. Whether a conflict exists at all is a cultural question, and by way of mutual illustration and interconnection between culture and conflict; cultures are embedded in almost every conflict because conflicts arise in human relationships. Cultures affect the ways we name, frame, blame, and attempt to tame conflicts. On the contrary, when any of the above is diverted by one cultural group vis-à  -vis the other, conflicts are the emerging consequences. Most people especially in Africa and other parts of the globe take pride in engaging in activities with a cultural sense than advancing the course of the general good. Conflicts between teenagers and parents are shaped by generational culture, and conflicts between spouses or partners are influenced by gender culture. In organizations, conflicts arising from different disciplinary cultures escalate tensions between co-workers, creating strained or inaccurate communication and stressed relationships. Culture permeates conflict no matter wha t, sometimes pushing forth with intensity, other times quietly snaking along, hardly announcing its presence until surprised people nearly stumble on it. For this reason, this essay seeks to reconcile the role of culture in the Dagbon conflict in Northern Ghana and how these same two connections of conflicts are again intertwined for the purposes of conflict and conflict resolution. The challenge is that, given cultures important role in conflicts, it is given little thought and consideration as it mostly labeled in the unconscious circle of human behavior vis-à  -vis conflicts and some approaches cultural resolution to the management and resolution of the conflict compound this problem because they minimize cultural role and influences in the tensed situation. We will consider the Dagbon conflict in and try to fit it within this frame of neglect. This is because the Dagbon conflict although largely considered ethnic has a huge cultural dimension which goes largely unattended to. Culture is always a factor in conflict, whether it plays a central role or influences it subtly and gently. Geographically and historically, Ghana lies between latitudes 50 and 110N and longitudes 10 and 30E with a landmass of 23.9million hectares. Ghanas estimated total population is 19.5 million (GSS, 2002:1), comprising a vast mosaic of several ethnic groups speaking over hundred local languages. Northern Ghana on which this paper focuses is co-terminus with a vast acreage of land that spans the White Volta, Black Volta and Oti River Basins. The area is divided into three political/ administrative regions comprising the Upper West (18,476km2) and the Upper East(8,842km2) regions bordering Burkina Faso in the extreme northern limits of Ghana and the Northern Region (70,384km2) to the south of Upper East and Upper West. Populations in these areas witness deep poverty levels and low literacy rates, with low school enrolment rate and inadequate health care services. Over 90 percent of the population in this area is engaged in subsistence agriculture and animal rearing (GSS, (2002). Populati on and Housing Census 2000: Summary of Final Results). Therefore, land ownership determines to a large extent, the nature of social and power relations among the ethnic groups inhabiting these three regions and has also been a major source of conflicts among them. The three regions harbor inconceivable heterogeneous groups of people speaking over 30 local dialects. The hidden truth is that, most of these heterogeneous groups have historical connections dating back to the sixteenth century. The sociocultural organization of most of these peoples of the northern belt is patrilineal with a strong tradition of centralized administration under the lordship of a powerful king such as the Mossi-Dagbani Kingdoms. In recent national political discussions, the Mossi-Dagbani groups are referred to as the ‘major tribes in Northern Ghana. However, there are also stateless or acephalous groups such as the Konkomba and the Tallensi. Therefore politically and administratively, there are a lot of historical and present day commonalities. This is what causes and infact possesses the bane of shock when it comes to the issue of conflicts and the most effective tools in dealing or handling them. The past 25years have witnessed a number of destructive ethnic conflicts in Northern Ghana. The very explosive ones are those of 1980 (Konkombas against Nanumbas) and the Guinea Fowl War of 1994 (between the Konkombas on one hand and Nanumbas, Dagombas and Gonjas on the other hand) (Brukum J. N. K, The Pito, Mango and Guinea Fowl Wars: Episodes in the History of Northern Ghana, 1980-1999). In 1980/86 and 2000, Mamprusis and Kusasis went to war in Bawku. Dagombas also fought among themselves; these and more are the most recent (and of which this essay critical look) of these intra-Dagbon clashes were those between the Andani and the Abudu Gates in Yendi, in 2002 (Brukum J. N. K, The Pito, Mango and Guinea Fowl Wars: Episodes in the History of Northern Ghana, 1980-1999). There has been much similar communal violence among the Gonjas and other ethnic groups in the Northern Region of Ghana. A critical assessment of the causes of most of these conflicts can be traced to colonial and post-colonial actions of governments. This certainly is no news as the impedes of colonialism is still being felt in Africa today. Certain actions and in-actions of governments have led to the marginalization, deprivation, exploitation and the exclusion of the ‘minority groups in many decision-making processes and governance issues that affect them. This has led to dissatisfaction among the ‘minority, hence any little dispute between the ‘majority and ‘minority explodes into ethnic conflict. With these analysis deduced, let us now try to envisage how the presence of culture among the people in the northern hemisphere of Ghana is contributing to conflicts among the people using the silent pistol. Culture, as already noted, forms the core around which most individuals normalize their relations with others but this relationship does take a different dimension when one gets the slightest hint of foul play in the unique identification of the other individual. This however differs from ethnocentrism, where people openly act and portray the supposedly uniqueness of their traditional origin and heritage over that of others and to some extent cause others to follow their fray. It is important to state unequivocally that culture has a canny way of taking on the characteristics of ethnocentrism but however does with a gradual pace. Due to the heritagecal and ancestral dimension of culture, conflicts resulting from culture and cultural practices do occur undetected for a very long time. Conflict of this nature sometimes begin from a mere proclaim which is interpreted to downgrade or cast the other sides image into disrepute. At times it start with a poorly resolved dispute (in our case the Andani and the Abudu Gates in Yendi) which forces the youths of the opposing party to rise up in arms against their foes after several years of the poorly settled dispute, which obviously one party wasnt satisfied with. When this happens, all possible gates of negotiations are closed due to the lengthy or at times the generational nature it usually takes to emerge in full scale. Recent political events and expression also mean the relaxation in conflict in one side and subsequent uprising in other with political transitions. In other words, the envisioned premise is ignoring the cultural dimension of conflicts by most Ghanaian governments with the impression that Ghana is the most peaceful nation on earth. Similarly, the lay magistrate often without really solving the dispute to any sides satisfaction ended up taking sides. Culture, with the trait of a silent killer largely goes undetected due the stable political climate Ghana is reputed for but the critical thing that most conflict analysts fail to take into consideration is that conflicts of this nature are intra-tribal rather than taking on the general good or in the form of civil wars, which has stalled the core of most African countrys government setup and social development. In exact terms, a cursory look at all historical conflict on the African region reveals tremendous ethnic and religious inclinations, albeit many of them also have subtle causal relationship with land and resource use, which could be a core of protest of one group against the other. The concept of nationhood/statehood is misplaced in many African nation state building contexts. Nations on the African continent, unconsciously motivated by the great diversity of ethnic groups, continue to trivialize national homogeneity and ethnic unification thus allowing for powerful disaggregated ethnic formations. The inevitable tendency of this phenomenon is that, many national policies by governments tend to be ethnocentric and is some unconscious instances cultural, which create suspicion, rivalry, discontent, mistrust and enmity among different ethnic groups or even within the same group of people as is the case in northern Ghana, resulting in ethnic conflicts and civil wars in extreme cases. In the case under discussion, most analysts in conflict prevention turn to focus solely on the tribal or ethnic sentiments forgetting that there cultural influences even on professional judgments vis-à  -vis the heated situation and culture prevent people from giving accurate feedback. Causes of conflict in northern Ghana. The Dagbon chieftaincy dispute is a good example of the passions that chieftaincy issues can inflame in Ghana, and of the extent to which these matters have become politicised. In the Dagbon case, a traditional matter has become the main subject of local politics as well as an issue of national politics. The Dagomba people or Dagbamba as they call themselves, constitute the single largest ethnic group in Northern Ghana. They speak the Dagbani language, a subgroup of the Mole-Dagbani family of languages, which belongs to the much larger Gur with starting the Dagbon migrations from Mali to what is now the Upper East Region of Ghana. Here he married Sihisabigu, the daughter of a Tindana in a place known as Bion, and eventually replaced the Tindana after assassinating him. Kpagunimbu and Sihisabigu had twin sons called Nyamzisheli and Nyarigili, who are believed to be the ancestors of the Talinsi and Nabdam ethnic groups of the Upper East Region. Following his exploits as a warrior, the King of Grumah, Abudu Rahamani married off his daughter, Suhuyini, to Kpagunimbu. Suhuyini gave birth to Gbewaa, two of whose sons Tohugu and Sitobu founded the Mamprugu and Dagbon kingdoms respectively. Sitobus son, Nyagsi, who reigned between 1416 and 1432, expanded the Dagbon kingdom through wars against aboriginal peoples throughout what is now present-day Dagbon. Thus the Dagbamba came to the area they now occupy as conquerors and established the traditional state of Dagbon, bringing with them the institution of chieftaincy, which had not been found among the original inhabitants. The Dagbon capital is Yendi where the King, whose title is Ya Na, resides. The Dagbamba are strongly attached to the institution of chieftaincy, which partly accounts for the intensity with which conflicts over chieftaincy are carried out. Conflicts tend to revolve around questions of succession, since the rules for succession tend to be rather flexible and allow for a number of candidates. Part of the current dispute (known variously as the Dagbon conflict or the Yendi chieftaincy affairs) hinges on whether or not it is a rule of tradition that succession to the throne should alternate between two rival sections of the royal family. These two sections originated in the late nineteenth century, following the death of Ya Na Yakubu who was succeeded first by his son Abudulai and then by another son Andani. Since the death of Andani in 1899, there has been in some measure an alternation between descendants of the two brothers, and the extent to which this rotation constitutes another rule for determining the succession remains unsettled. In addition to the question of rotation between the two families, there is also disagreement over who has the right to select a successor, and over which particular act in the installation ceremony makes one a Ya Na. Formally, the selection of a successor rested in the hands of four kingmakers. In 1948, the membership of the kingmakers was expanded to eleven with the addition of seven divisional chiefs to form a selection committee. The legitimacy of the Committee, which probably represented a final attempt by the British to codify the rules and procedures of succession to the Yendi skin, has been in dispute. In the 1940s, the educated elite of Dagbon most of whom were from its royal families played a major role in the setting up of the controversial selection committee. The institution of the selection committee coincided with the era of active pre-independence politics, and the pioneer-educated elite was poised to exploit the situation. Having a king who was more amenable to their political ambitions was of vital importance to them. By 1954, there were complaints that the committee system was adopted to protect the interest of the Abudulai family and ultimately eliminate the Andani family from the contest (Sibidow, 1970). One major source of conflict in modern times is the tradition that â€Å"you do not destool a Ya Na†. In former times, a Ya Na who proved unacceptable was simply killed. As this is no longer a practical alternative, once installed a Ya Na cannot be destooled even if he is found to have violated customs. Thus Dagbon custom as a whole is ambiguous on this point if not outright contradictory (Ladouceur, 1972). Such an implicit ambiguity facilitates the intervention of an outside power to settle outstanding disagreements as to the correct interpretation of tradition. It also serves not only to foment disputes but also to sustain them. Another source of the Dagbon conflict is intergenerational in nature. Intergenerational conflict arises because of the exclusion from succession of the senior sons of a king by his junior brothers. Conversely, the junior brothers in the older generation could find themselves excluded by the sons of their senior brother. According to Ferguson et al. (1970), the critical nature of exclusion is apparent. By virtue of the Dagbon rule that no son may assume a higher rank in society than his father, a candidates failure to attain office carries with it the implication that none of his descendants may ever aspire to it. Intergenerational conflict appears then to be a structural feature for succession to higher office in Dagbon. There is, however, probably a contingent association between such conflicts and the polarization between rival factions that is also a characteristic feature of the conflict. The candidates from the senior generation may tend to attract the support of the more conser vative factions and those from the junior generation, that of the more radical. The Dagbon conflict gradually spilled over into the national political arena over the years as each side mustered what forces it could with politicians taking an increasing interest in this and other chieftaincy disputes. Each side in the Dagbon dispute has articulate well-educated spokesmen and, since 1954, prominent national political figures as well. It was largely through their activities that the dispute became a political issue shortly after independence. On the Abudu side was Alhaji Yakubu Tali, Tolon Na, while the Andani side had J.H. Alhassan. Both men had become prominent figures in both Dagbon affairs and in the emerging modern political system in the early 1950s. Both were elected to the Gold Coast Legislative Assembly in 1951 and to Parliament in 1954, the former on the opposition regional NPP ticket and the latter to the governing CPP.11 If politicians can make use of their power base in the modern political system to interfere in traditional affairs, some traditional rulers are also quite capable of seizing opportunities presented by national politics to consolidate their own positions. Ya Na Abudulai III, sensing that he might be destooled, withdrew his support for the opposition and together with his followers, including Alhaji Yakubu Tali, joined the then ruling party, the CPP, en bloc in 1958. Political interference in the Dagbon conflict continued with changes in government. The overthrow of the Kwame Nkrumah government in 1966 marked radical changes in official ideology and priorities. In general terms, the policy of the National Liberation Council (NLC), the military regime, in traditional matters was to restore chieftaincy to its former position and reduce government interference. However, chieftaincy affairs took on an added importance in post-coup Ghana and government interference increased instead of dimi nishing. In the case of the Yendi dispute, government interference was taken to new heights when in September 1969, the selection and enskinment of Ya Na Andani III was declared null and void by the NLC government. It was felt that a factor in this decision that had objectively benefited the Abudulai family was the presence of B. A. Yakubu, a family supporter, in the NLC government. Thus the murder of Ya Na Yakubu Andani II in March 2002 took place during a time when the NPP government, successor to Prime Minister K. A. Busias party which succeeded the NLC, was in power was seen as significant. It succeeded in evoking memories of the killings in the Gbewaa palace in 1969. Zamfara state of the early Hausa kingdom. Drum history9, however, traces the origin of the Dagbon kingdom to ancient Mali whose king had been so impressed with the exploits of Toha-zhie, a wandering hunter, that he recruited him into his service. Toha-Zhie eventually married one of the daughters of the King of Mali called Paga-wobga, who bore him a son Kpagunimbu. Kpagunimbu is credited In trying to capture the role of culture in conflict especially in the Ghanaian context, it becomes imperative to trace the root cause of the conflict, taking a cue from the cultural dimension and gradually interpreting it in the resolution process. The idea is that, conflict no matter the ferocity, scholarship must seek to stop it occurrence owing to it unenviable consequence on the larger populace. Thus there are two principal lines being the prime movers behind the culture-led conflicts among the northern hemisphere of Ghana. The first of such, which has been partially discussed on the geographical notations in starting this conflict, is without doubt actions of earliest colonial governments. Many ethnic groups in Northern Ghana hitherto the introduction of indirect rule in Ghana in 1932 peacefully co-existed. The indirect rule system of administration introduced in 1932 by the colonial governors (Britain) vested political and administrative powers in the hands of some selected chiefs who had better organized systems of traditional administration (the chiefly people, i.e. Dagomba, Nanumba, Gonja etc.). For instance, the Ya-Na of East-Dagbon was given traditional cum administrative authority over the Konkomba and Chokosi who is quite culturally different ethnic from the Dagomba. The north-eastern Province (present day Upper East) was constituted into the Mamprugu Kingdom with f ive sub-divisions as Mamprugu, Kusasi, Frafra, Gurensi and Builsa all under the Lordship of the Nayiri as the paramount chief of Mamprusi. Similarly, the Nawuri, Nchumuru, Mo and Vagala were put under the Yagbonwurura of Gonja kingdom. This administrative initiative was implemented by Chief Commissioner Armitage. This was done for political and administrative expediency because the colonial administration at the time did not have sufficient logistics and personnel to govern the entire colony, especially the protected territories in Northern Ghana. Subsequently, there was the introduction of local police called â€Å"Nana Kana†, who constituted tribunals and for the collection of taxes and tried general cases except criminal ones. This enhanced the loyalty of the stateless ethnic groups to the paramount chiefs. The creation of the National Territorial Council (NTC) in 1938 for chiefs further increased the administrative authority of these chiefs. According to colonial writers such as Blair, Rattray, Tait, Cardinalland Manoukian, although the colonial administration imposed chiefs for administrative purposes, the acephalous people never accepted them, thus, they were never ‘ruled by the chiefly peoples, but were only raided periodically. The chiefly groups extorted monies from the stateless groups as fines, especially through the chiefly court system. The implication of these developments are that, with time emotional sentiments and passions are brought to bear with general official arrangements which gradually leads one side to call for changes. If the call is not heeded by the authorities involved, one side feels cheated and with the lapse of time lead to ethnic based but largely culture oriented conflict. According to Tait, Dagomba ‘rule was limited to sporadic raids to obtain slaves needed for the annual tribute to the Ashanti. From time to time, local tax collectors were sent to Konkomba territory to collect foodstuff such as millet, sorghum, yam, and maize, which was sold in the markets to raise money for the local chief. In 1950, some Konkombas were stopped by Dagombas on their way to Yendi market and their head-loads of new yam taken (which was valued at  £18), and in the same year when the Ya Na was fined in the District Commissioners court, two lorry loads of sorghum were collected in Saboba region alone on the grounds that, ‘The European says that it has got to be paid. Also according to Skalnik (1983 in Katanga,1994, pp21), Konkomba marriage disputes accounted for a large source of income for the court of the Bimbilla-Naa. Thus it became very rare for a Konkomba to appeal to the District Commissioner on cases of injustices, though instances of this sort of extor tion were frequent. Similarly, the lay magistrate often without really solving the dispute to any sides satisfaction took bribes from both parties. The cumulative effect of this was total allegiance of these non-chiefly tribes to the chiefly groups. The Konkombas for instance were compelled to give some days as free labor annually in the farms of Nanumba/Dagombas chiefs and the compulsory donation of a hind leg of any big animal killed wild or domesticated to Nanumba chiefs. Probably the most unfair of these injustices was that, Konkombas were not allowed to settle even petty quarrels among themselves including matrimonial ones, even as late as the 20th century. These conditions compelled Konkombas to request for their own tribunal under Ali, an ex-soldier, domiciled in Bimbilla, to settle petty disputes particularly marriage cases. This proposal was vehemently rejected and attempts were made to eject Ali from Bimbilla, culminating into a heated atmosphere (Brukum, 1999:11-12). Another crucial notation is post colonial government arrangements both internal and external in Ghanas northern region. Several uncharacteristic and unscrupulous actions of post-colonial governments saw a further deterioration in the social friction between the chiefly and non-chiefly ethnic groups which were largely operated by land administration policies. All lands in Northern Ghana were protected and were under the custody ownership of the Tendaanas (Earth-shrine Priest) and not chiefs. The chief (Na or Ubor) in the north wielded only political power. The Tendaana was the highest office held by the autochthonous tribes, and consisted legitimate ownership of the land which even extended over chiefs. The Na/Ubor never dared to arrogate to himself, the duties of the Tendaana. Infact, the Na/Ubor humbled himself before him and appeared disguised as poor when occasions arose for him to visit the Tendaana. This is because the Tendaana not only owned the land, but he is the only person known to the spirit of the land. Hence it was the Tendaana that had the right to give out lands. It was believed that, the Chief did not grant farming lands to individuals. He is considered not to have any right over farms. Tindaamba (another name for Tendaana) still have power over chiefs and are feared. During this era, land was not a scarce resource and according to Goody under such conditions neither individuals nor kin groups bother to lay specific claims to large tracts of territory, since land is virtually a free good (Katanga, 1994:21). Land ownership in northern Ghana came under the custody of chiefs in 1978 during the Acheampong regime when a law was passed vesting all northern lands into the hands of selected ethnic groups chiefs (notice the connection of the emergence of the intra-ethnic conflict between the Abudu and Andani Gates which will take several years to assume full scale) and left out most other groups. The criteria for vesting the lands in the hands of these few chiefs were based on the recommendations of Alhassan Report of 1978, which were backed by the Minister for Lands and Mineral Resources, both Dagombas (another watchful area, dealing with cultures involvement in conflict). Indeed the Alhassan Committees Report twisted the truth about the land tenure arrangements in Northern Ghana in favor of the chiefs and his tribesmen and the other chiefly people. These reforms in Northern Ghana Land administration were implemented by the then Government to solicit for political support from the Northern Chie fs for the UNIGOV System (Unity Government). With the failure of the Acheampong government however, these legislations were abrogated as the reins of government was overtaken by another military regime. The ceasure of the reins of government and the subsequent decree rule reversed this trend of land principles laid down by the previous administration and has ever since been the bane of confrontation between brothers in the different sides of the same group as is the case of the Dagbon conflict. The Konkomba Youth Association (KOYA) contested the Alhassan Report and has repeatedly pointed out that, the report has been the root cause of the three major ethnic conflicts and twenty minor ones between the chiefdoms. The jejune with these quack legislations is that they turn to outlive their significance with the transition of government, something that is purely not in the interest of the rural Ghanaian. There is no one-size-fits-all approach to conflict resolution, since culture is always a factor. Cultural fluency is therefore a core competency for those who intervene in conflicts or simply want to function more effectively in their own lives and situations. Cultural fluency involves recognizing and acting respectfully from the knowledge that communication, ways of naming, framing, and taming conflict, approaches to meaning-making, and identities and roles vary across cultures. In retrospect, culture as a key factor in conflict generation and orientation it that of a silent creeper. The kind that is in no way given premise by conflict analysts as being the prime cause in conflict situations. In the other words, the largel The Role of Culture in Conflict Resolution The Role of Culture in Conflict Resolution CASE OF DAGBON IN GHANA The inter-relativity and connectivity of human endeavor has made conflict something unavoidable as it has come to eventually be part of the normal routine of human social interaction. Ethnic conflicts and civil wars continue to plague many African countries especially in the last two decades. There are growing concerns about the impacts of these conflicts on sub-regional and regional stability as well as security, with adverse implications on economic growth, environment and development. The impacts of these conflicts have been severest on the vulnerable groups such as the aged, women and children reversing many development efforts in conflict zones (John Kusimi; Julius Fobil; Raymond Atuguba; Isabella Erawoc; Franklin Oduro Abstract: Conflicts in Northern Ghana a Mirror of Answers to Sub-Regional Stability and Security Questions). Conflict has both a colloquial meaning and a discouragingly long list of specific definitions. The list includes four rather different usages if the term: (1) antecedent conditions to some overt struggle (2) affective states (tension or hostility) (3) cognitive states (for example the perception that some other person or entity acts against ones interest and (4) conflictful behavior, verbal or non verbal ranging from passive resistance to active aggression. According to Wiktionary, conflict is an incompatibility of two things that cannot be simultaneously fulfilled. In simple terms conflict denotes a situation when two or more organizations or persons are in a contradiction between them.. Conflict is more expansive than normally perceived. The conflict is a contradiction, a war, maybe a competition exist but the real conflict condition is more greatest way to express violence, and where this take place and violence take effect, it generate more and more conflicts. Culture (from the Latin cultura stemming from colere, meaning â€Å"to cultivate†) is a term that has different meanings. For example, in 1952, Alfred Kroeber and Clyde Kluckhohn compiled a list of 164 definitions of â€Å"culture† in Culture: a Critical Review of Concepts and Definitions. However, the word â€Å"culture† is most commonly used in three basic senses: Excellence of taste in the fine arts and humanities, also known as high culture An integrated pattern of human knowledge, belief, and behavior that depends upon the capacity for symbolic thought and social learning The set of shared attitudes, values, goals, and practices that characterizes an institution, organization or group (Harper, Douglas (2001). Online Etymology Dictionary and Kroeber, A. L. and C. Kluckhohn, (1952). Culture: A Critical Review of Concepts and Definitions) When the concept first emerged in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Europe, it connoted a process of cultivation or improvement, as in agriculture or horticulture. In the nineteenth century, it came to refer first to the betterment or refinement of the individual, especially through education, and then to the fulfillment of national aspirations or ideals. In the mid-nineteenth century, some scientists used the term â€Å"culture† to refer to a universal human capacity (C. Kluckhohn, (1952). Culture: A Critical Review of Concepts and Definitions) Although largely ignored as being a key element in the generation of conflicts, culture is an essential part of conflict and conflict resolution (LeBaron, Michelle Conflict and Culture: Research in Five Communities in British Columbia, Canada). Culture, mostly acting within the parameters of a toothless bulldog, it permeate all spheres of the normal daily occurrences and it does so in the least expected ways. It serves as collating avenue which sends us messages that shape our perceptions, attributions, judgments, and ideas of self and other. Cultures are powerful, they are often unconscious, influencing conflict and attempts to resolve conflict in imperceptible ways. For the single individual, cultures are a shifting, dynamic set of starting points that orient us in particular way and away from other directions. Each of us belongs to multiple cultures that give us messages about what is normal, appropriate, and expected. When others do not meet our expectations, it is often a cue that our cultural expectations are different and thought or projected as un-respected. We may mistake differences between others and us for evidence of bad faith or lack of common sense on the part of others, not realizing that common sense is not cultural. What is common to one group may seem strange, counter intuitive, or wrong to another. In the dividing circles of two groups, culture projects a huge sense of uniqueness; something most individuals would prefer to die for than to witness it degraded by the opposing group. Whether a conflict exists at all is a cultural question, and by way of mutual illustration and interconnection between culture and conflict; cultures are embedded in almost every conflict because conflicts arise in human relationships. Cultures affect the ways we name, frame, blame, and attempt to tame conflicts. On the contrary, when any of the above is diverted by one cultural group vis-à  -vis the other, conflicts are the emerging consequences. Most people especially in Africa and other parts of the globe take pride in engaging in activities with a cultural sense than advancing the course of the general good. Conflicts between teenagers and parents are shaped by generational culture, and conflicts between spouses or partners are influenced by gender culture. In organizations, conflicts arising from different disciplinary cultures escalate tensions between co-workers, creating strained or inaccurate communication and stressed relationships. Culture permeates conflict no matter wha t, sometimes pushing forth with intensity, other times quietly snaking along, hardly announcing its presence until surprised people nearly stumble on it. For this reason, this essay seeks to reconcile the role of culture in the Dagbon conflict in Northern Ghana and how these same two connections of conflicts are again intertwined for the purposes of conflict and conflict resolution. The challenge is that, given cultures important role in conflicts, it is given little thought and consideration as it mostly labeled in the unconscious circle of human behavior vis-à  -vis conflicts and some approaches cultural resolution to the management and resolution of the conflict compound this problem because they minimize cultural role and influences in the tensed situation. We will consider the Dagbon conflict in and try to fit it within this frame of neglect. This is because the Dagbon conflict although largely considered ethnic has a huge cultural dimension which goes largely unattended to. Culture is always a factor in conflict, whether it plays a central role or influences it subtly and gently. Geographically and historically, Ghana lies between latitudes 50 and 110N and longitudes 10 and 30E with a landmass of 23.9million hectares. Ghanas estimated total population is 19.5 million (GSS, 2002:1), comprising a vast mosaic of several ethnic groups speaking over hundred local languages. Northern Ghana on which this paper focuses is co-terminus with a vast acreage of land that spans the White Volta, Black Volta and Oti River Basins. The area is divided into three political/ administrative regions comprising the Upper West (18,476km2) and the Upper East(8,842km2) regions bordering Burkina Faso in the extreme northern limits of Ghana and the Northern Region (70,384km2) to the south of Upper East and Upper West. Populations in these areas witness deep poverty levels and low literacy rates, with low school enrolment rate and inadequate health care services. Over 90 percent of the population in this area is engaged in subsistence agriculture and animal rearing (GSS, (2002). Populati on and Housing Census 2000: Summary of Final Results). Therefore, land ownership determines to a large extent, the nature of social and power relations among the ethnic groups inhabiting these three regions and has also been a major source of conflicts among them. The three regions harbor inconceivable heterogeneous groups of people speaking over 30 local dialects. The hidden truth is that, most of these heterogeneous groups have historical connections dating back to the sixteenth century. The sociocultural organization of most of these peoples of the northern belt is patrilineal with a strong tradition of centralized administration under the lordship of a powerful king such as the Mossi-Dagbani Kingdoms. In recent national political discussions, the Mossi-Dagbani groups are referred to as the ‘major tribes in Northern Ghana. However, there are also stateless or acephalous groups such as the Konkomba and the Tallensi. Therefore politically and administratively, there are a lot of historical and present day commonalities. This is what causes and infact possesses the bane of shock when it comes to the issue of conflicts and the most effective tools in dealing or handling them. The past 25years have witnessed a number of destructive ethnic conflicts in Northern Ghana. The very explosive ones are those of 1980 (Konkombas against Nanumbas) and the Guinea Fowl War of 1994 (between the Konkombas on one hand and Nanumbas, Dagombas and Gonjas on the other hand) (Brukum J. N. K, The Pito, Mango and Guinea Fowl Wars: Episodes in the History of Northern Ghana, 1980-1999). In 1980/86 and 2000, Mamprusis and Kusasis went to war in Bawku. Dagombas also fought among themselves; these and more are the most recent (and of which this essay critical look) of these intra-Dagbon clashes were those between the Andani and the Abudu Gates in Yendi, in 2002 (Brukum J. N. K, The Pito, Mango and Guinea Fowl Wars: Episodes in the History of Northern Ghana, 1980-1999). There has been much similar communal violence among the Gonjas and other ethnic groups in the Northern Region of Ghana. A critical assessment of the causes of most of these conflicts can be traced to colonial and post-colonial actions of governments. This certainly is no news as the impedes of colonialism is still being felt in Africa today. Certain actions and in-actions of governments have led to the marginalization, deprivation, exploitation and the exclusion of the ‘minority groups in many decision-making processes and governance issues that affect them. This has led to dissatisfaction among the ‘minority, hence any little dispute between the ‘majority and ‘minority explodes into ethnic conflict. With these analysis deduced, let us now try to envisage how the presence of culture among the people in the northern hemisphere of Ghana is contributing to conflicts among the people using the silent pistol. Culture, as already noted, forms the core around which most individuals normalize their relations with others but this relationship does take a different dimension when one gets the slightest hint of foul play in the unique identification of the other individual. This however differs from ethnocentrism, where people openly act and portray the supposedly uniqueness of their traditional origin and heritage over that of others and to some extent cause others to follow their fray. It is important to state unequivocally that culture has a canny way of taking on the characteristics of ethnocentrism but however does with a gradual pace. Due to the heritagecal and ancestral dimension of culture, conflicts resulting from culture and cultural practices do occur undetected for a very long time. Conflict of this nature sometimes begin from a mere proclaim which is interpreted to downgrade or cast the other sides image into disrepute. At times it start with a poorly resolved dispute (in our case the Andani and the Abudu Gates in Yendi) which forces the youths of the opposing party to rise up in arms against their foes after several years of the poorly settled dispute, which obviously one party wasnt satisfied with. When this happens, all possible gates of negotiations are closed due to the lengthy or at times the generational nature it usually takes to emerge in full scale. Recent political events and expression also mean the relaxation in conflict in one side and subsequent uprising in other with political transitions. In other words, the envisioned premise is ignoring the cultural dimension of conflicts by most Ghanaian governments with the impression that Ghana is the most peaceful nation on earth. Similarly, the lay magistrate often without really solving the dispute to any sides satisfaction ended up taking sides. Culture, with the trait of a silent killer largely goes undetected due the stable political climate Ghana is reputed for but the critical thing that most conflict analysts fail to take into consideration is that conflicts of this nature are intra-tribal rather than taking on the general good or in the form of civil wars, which has stalled the core of most African countrys government setup and social development. In exact terms, a cursory look at all historical conflict on the African region reveals tremendous ethnic and religious inclinations, albeit many of them also have subtle causal relationship with land and resource use, which could be a core of protest of one group against the other. The concept of nationhood/statehood is misplaced in many African nation state building contexts. Nations on the African continent, unconsciously motivated by the great diversity of ethnic groups, continue to trivialize national homogeneity and ethnic unification thus allowing for powerful disaggregated ethnic formations. The inevitable tendency of this phenomenon is that, many national policies by governments tend to be ethnocentric and is some unconscious instances cultural, which create suspicion, rivalry, discontent, mistrust and enmity among different ethnic groups or even within the same group of people as is the case in northern Ghana, resulting in ethnic conflicts and civil wars in extreme cases. In the case under discussion, most analysts in conflict prevention turn to focus solely on the tribal or ethnic sentiments forgetting that there cultural influences even on professional judgments vis-à  -vis the heated situation and culture prevent people from giving accurate feedback. Causes of conflict in northern Ghana. The Dagbon chieftaincy dispute is a good example of the passions that chieftaincy issues can inflame in Ghana, and of the extent to which these matters have become politicised. In the Dagbon case, a traditional matter has become the main subject of local politics as well as an issue of national politics. The Dagomba people or Dagbamba as they call themselves, constitute the single largest ethnic group in Northern Ghana. They speak the Dagbani language, a subgroup of the Mole-Dagbani family of languages, which belongs to the much larger Gur with starting the Dagbon migrations from Mali to what is now the Upper East Region of Ghana. Here he married Sihisabigu, the daughter of a Tindana in a place known as Bion, and eventually replaced the Tindana after assassinating him. Kpagunimbu and Sihisabigu had twin sons called Nyamzisheli and Nyarigili, who are believed to be the ancestors of the Talinsi and Nabdam ethnic groups of the Upper East Region. Following his exploits as a warrior, the King of Grumah, Abudu Rahamani married off his daughter, Suhuyini, to Kpagunimbu. Suhuyini gave birth to Gbewaa, two of whose sons Tohugu and Sitobu founded the Mamprugu and Dagbon kingdoms respectively. Sitobus son, Nyagsi, who reigned between 1416 and 1432, expanded the Dagbon kingdom through wars against aboriginal peoples throughout what is now present-day Dagbon. Thus the Dagbamba came to the area they now occupy as conquerors and established the traditional state of Dagbon, bringing with them the institution of chieftaincy, which had not been found among the original inhabitants. The Dagbon capital is Yendi where the King, whose title is Ya Na, resides. The Dagbamba are strongly attached to the institution of chieftaincy, which partly accounts for the intensity with which conflicts over chieftaincy are carried out. Conflicts tend to revolve around questions of succession, since the rules for succession tend to be rather flexible and allow for a number of candidates. Part of the current dispute (known variously as the Dagbon conflict or the Yendi chieftaincy affairs) hinges on whether or not it is a rule of tradition that succession to the throne should alternate between two rival sections of the royal family. These two sections originated in the late nineteenth century, following the death of Ya Na Yakubu who was succeeded first by his son Abudulai and then by another son Andani. Since the death of Andani in 1899, there has been in some measure an alternation between descendants of the two brothers, and the extent to which this rotation constitutes another rule for determining the succession remains unsettled. In addition to the question of rotation between the two families, there is also disagreement over who has the right to select a successor, and over which particular act in the installation ceremony makes one a Ya Na. Formally, the selection of a successor rested in the hands of four kingmakers. In 1948, the membership of the kingmakers was expanded to eleven with the addition of seven divisional chiefs to form a selection committee. The legitimacy of the Committee, which probably represented a final attempt by the British to codify the rules and procedures of succession to the Yendi skin, has been in dispute. In the 1940s, the educated elite of Dagbon most of whom were from its royal families played a major role in the setting up of the controversial selection committee. The institution of the selection committee coincided with the era of active pre-independence politics, and the pioneer-educated elite was poised to exploit the situation. Having a king who was more amenable to their political ambitions was of vital importance to them. By 1954, there were complaints that the committee system was adopted to protect the interest of the Abudulai family and ultimately eliminate the Andani family from the contest (Sibidow, 1970). One major source of conflict in modern times is the tradition that â€Å"you do not destool a Ya Na†. In former times, a Ya Na who proved unacceptable was simply killed. As this is no longer a practical alternative, once installed a Ya Na cannot be destooled even if he is found to have violated customs. Thus Dagbon custom as a whole is ambiguous on this point if not outright contradictory (Ladouceur, 1972). Such an implicit ambiguity facilitates the intervention of an outside power to settle outstanding disagreements as to the correct interpretation of tradition. It also serves not only to foment disputes but also to sustain them. Another source of the Dagbon conflict is intergenerational in nature. Intergenerational conflict arises because of the exclusion from succession of the senior sons of a king by his junior brothers. Conversely, the junior brothers in the older generation could find themselves excluded by the sons of their senior brother. According to Ferguson et al. (1970), the critical nature of exclusion is apparent. By virtue of the Dagbon rule that no son may assume a higher rank in society than his father, a candidates failure to attain office carries with it the implication that none of his descendants may ever aspire to it. Intergenerational conflict appears then to be a structural feature for succession to higher office in Dagbon. There is, however, probably a contingent association between such conflicts and the polarization between rival factions that is also a characteristic feature of the conflict. The candidates from the senior generation may tend to attract the support of the more conser vative factions and those from the junior generation, that of the more radical. The Dagbon conflict gradually spilled over into the national political arena over the years as each side mustered what forces it could with politicians taking an increasing interest in this and other chieftaincy disputes. Each side in the Dagbon dispute has articulate well-educated spokesmen and, since 1954, prominent national political figures as well. It was largely through their activities that the dispute became a political issue shortly after independence. On the Abudu side was Alhaji Yakubu Tali, Tolon Na, while the Andani side had J.H. Alhassan. Both men had become prominent figures in both Dagbon affairs and in the emerging modern political system in the early 1950s. Both were elected to the Gold Coast Legislative Assembly in 1951 and to Parliament in 1954, the former on the opposition regional NPP ticket and the latter to the governing CPP.11 If politicians can make use of their power base in the modern political system to interfere in traditional affairs, some traditional rulers are also quite capable of seizing opportunities presented by national politics to consolidate their own positions. Ya Na Abudulai III, sensing that he might be destooled, withdrew his support for the opposition and together with his followers, including Alhaji Yakubu Tali, joined the then ruling party, the CPP, en bloc in 1958. Political interference in the Dagbon conflict continued with changes in government. The overthrow of the Kwame Nkrumah government in 1966 marked radical changes in official ideology and priorities. In general terms, the policy of the National Liberation Council (NLC), the military regime, in traditional matters was to restore chieftaincy to its former position and reduce government interference. However, chieftaincy affairs took on an added importance in post-coup Ghana and government interference increased instead of dimi nishing. In the case of the Yendi dispute, government interference was taken to new heights when in September 1969, the selection and enskinment of Ya Na Andani III was declared null and void by the NLC government. It was felt that a factor in this decision that had objectively benefited the Abudulai family was the presence of B. A. Yakubu, a family supporter, in the NLC government. Thus the murder of Ya Na Yakubu Andani II in March 2002 took place during a time when the NPP government, successor to Prime Minister K. A. Busias party which succeeded the NLC, was in power was seen as significant. It succeeded in evoking memories of the killings in the Gbewaa palace in 1969. Zamfara state of the early Hausa kingdom. Drum history9, however, traces the origin of the Dagbon kingdom to ancient Mali whose king had been so impressed with the exploits of Toha-zhie, a wandering hunter, that he recruited him into his service. Toha-Zhie eventually married one of the daughters of the King of Mali called Paga-wobga, who bore him a son Kpagunimbu. Kpagunimbu is credited In trying to capture the role of culture in conflict especially in the Ghanaian context, it becomes imperative to trace the root cause of the conflict, taking a cue from the cultural dimension and gradually interpreting it in the resolution process. The idea is that, conflict no matter the ferocity, scholarship must seek to stop it occurrence owing to it unenviable consequence on the larger populace. Thus there are two principal lines being the prime movers behind the culture-led conflicts among the northern hemisphere of Ghana. The first of such, which has been partially discussed on the geographical notations in starting this conflict, is without doubt actions of earliest colonial governments. Many ethnic groups in Northern Ghana hitherto the introduction of indirect rule in Ghana in 1932 peacefully co-existed. The indirect rule system of administration introduced in 1932 by the colonial governors (Britain) vested political and administrative powers in the hands of some selected chiefs who had better organized systems of traditional administration (the chiefly people, i.e. Dagomba, Nanumba, Gonja etc.). For instance, the Ya-Na of East-Dagbon was given traditional cum administrative authority over the Konkomba and Chokosi who is quite culturally different ethnic from the Dagomba. The north-eastern Province (present day Upper East) was constituted into the Mamprugu Kingdom with f ive sub-divisions as Mamprugu, Kusasi, Frafra, Gurensi and Builsa all under the Lordship of the Nayiri as the paramount chief of Mamprusi. Similarly, the Nawuri, Nchumuru, Mo and Vagala were put under the Yagbonwurura of Gonja kingdom. This administrative initiative was implemented by Chief Commissioner Armitage. This was done for political and administrative expediency because the colonial administration at the time did not have sufficient logistics and personnel to govern the entire colony, especially the protected territories in Northern Ghana. Subsequently, there was the introduction of local police called â€Å"Nana Kana†, who constituted tribunals and for the collection of taxes and tried general cases except criminal ones. This enhanced the loyalty of the stateless ethnic groups to the paramount chiefs. The creation of the National Territorial Council (NTC) in 1938 for chiefs further increased the administrative authority of these chiefs. According to colonial writers such as Blair, Rattray, Tait, Cardinalland Manoukian, although the colonial administration imposed chiefs for administrative purposes, the acephalous people never accepted them, thus, they were never ‘ruled by the chiefly peoples, but were only raided periodically. The chiefly groups extorted monies from the stateless groups as fines, especially through the chiefly court system. The implication of these developments are that, with time emotional sentiments and passions are brought to bear with general official arrangements which gradually leads one side to call for changes. If the call is not heeded by the authorities involved, one side feels cheated and with the lapse of time lead to ethnic based but largely culture oriented conflict. According to Tait, Dagomba ‘rule was limited to sporadic raids to obtain slaves needed for the annual tribute to the Ashanti. From time to time, local tax collectors were sent to Konkomba territory to collect foodstuff such as millet, sorghum, yam, and maize, which was sold in the markets to raise money for the local chief. In 1950, some Konkombas were stopped by Dagombas on their way to Yendi market and their head-loads of new yam taken (which was valued at  £18), and in the same year when the Ya Na was fined in the District Commissioners court, two lorry loads of sorghum were collected in Saboba region alone on the grounds that, ‘The European says that it has got to be paid. Also according to Skalnik (1983 in Katanga,1994, pp21), Konkomba marriage disputes accounted for a large source of income for the court of the Bimbilla-Naa. Thus it became very rare for a Konkomba to appeal to the District Commissioner on cases of injustices, though instances of this sort of extor tion were frequent. Similarly, the lay magistrate often without really solving the dispute to any sides satisfaction took bribes from both parties. The cumulative effect of this was total allegiance of these non-chiefly tribes to the chiefly groups. The Konkombas for instance were compelled to give some days as free labor annually in the farms of Nanumba/Dagombas chiefs and the compulsory donation of a hind leg of any big animal killed wild or domesticated to Nanumba chiefs. Probably the most unfair of these injustices was that, Konkombas were not allowed to settle even petty quarrels among themselves including matrimonial ones, even as late as the 20th century. These conditions compelled Konkombas to request for their own tribunal under Ali, an ex-soldier, domiciled in Bimbilla, to settle petty disputes particularly marriage cases. This proposal was vehemently rejected and attempts were made to eject Ali from Bimbilla, culminating into a heated atmosphere (Brukum, 1999:11-12). Another crucial notation is post colonial government arrangements both internal and external in Ghanas northern region. Several uncharacteristic and unscrupulous actions of post-colonial governments saw a further deterioration in the social friction between the chiefly and non-chiefly ethnic groups which were largely operated by land administration policies. All lands in Northern Ghana were protected and were under the custody ownership of the Tendaanas (Earth-shrine Priest) and not chiefs. The chief (Na or Ubor) in the north wielded only political power. The Tendaana was the highest office held by the autochthonous tribes, and consisted legitimate ownership of the land which even extended over chiefs. The Na/Ubor never dared to arrogate to himself, the duties of the Tendaana. Infact, the Na/Ubor humbled himself before him and appeared disguised as poor when occasions arose for him to visit the Tendaana. This is because the Tendaana not only owned the land, but he is the only person known to the spirit of the land. Hence it was the Tendaana that had the right to give out lands. It was believed that, the Chief did not grant farming lands to individuals. He is considered not to have any right over farms. Tindaamba (another name for Tendaana) still have power over chiefs and are feared. During this era, land was not a scarce resource and according to Goody under such conditions neither individuals nor kin groups bother to lay specific claims to large tracts of territory, since land is virtually a free good (Katanga, 1994:21). Land ownership in northern Ghana came under the custody of chiefs in 1978 during the Acheampong regime when a law was passed vesting all northern lands into the hands of selected ethnic groups chiefs (notice the connection of the emergence of the intra-ethnic conflict between the Abudu and Andani Gates which will take several years to assume full scale) and left out most other groups. The criteria for vesting the lands in the hands of these few chiefs were based on the recommendations of Alhassan Report of 1978, which were backed by the Minister for Lands and Mineral Resources, both Dagombas (another watchful area, dealing with cultures involvement in conflict). Indeed the Alhassan Committees Report twisted the truth about the land tenure arrangements in Northern Ghana in favor of the chiefs and his tribesmen and the other chiefly people. These reforms in Northern Ghana Land administration were implemented by the then Government to solicit for political support from the Northern Chie fs for the UNIGOV System (Unity Government). With the failure of the Acheampong government however, these legislations were abrogated as the reins of government was overtaken by another military regime. The ceasure of the reins of government and the subsequent decree rule reversed this trend of land principles laid down by the previous administration and has ever since been the bane of confrontation between brothers in the different sides of the same group as is the case of the Dagbon conflict. The Konkomba Youth Association (KOYA) contested the Alhassan Report and has repeatedly pointed out that, the report has been the root cause of the three major ethnic conflicts and twenty minor ones between the chiefdoms. The jejune with these quack legislations is that they turn to outlive their significance with the transition of government, something that is purely not in the interest of the rural Ghanaian. There is no one-size-fits-all approach to conflict resolution, since culture is always a factor. Cultural fluency is therefore a core competency for those who intervene in conflicts or simply want to function more effectively in their own lives and situations. Cultural fluency involves recognizing and acting respectfully from the knowledge that communication, ways of naming, framing, and taming conflict, approaches to meaning-making, and identities and roles vary across cultures. In retrospect, culture as a key factor in conflict generation and orientation it that of a silent creeper. The kind that is in no way given premise by conflict analysts as being the prime cause in conflict situations. In the other words, the largel